Which of the following activities can be adopted at the pre-reading stage?

What should the teacher try to avoid when selecting listening activities?

In speaking activities, a speaker often tries to avoid using a difficult word or structure and chooses to use a simpler one. What learning strategy does the speaker use?

According to Britain linguist F. Palmer, there are no real synonyms. Though“cast” and“throw” are considered synonyms, they are different in__________.

A student has something in his mind and he should ignore the irrelevant parts and read to locate specific information when reading. Which of the following strategies can be used?

Teachers can apply all of the following methods to teach stress except__________.

The teacher gives students 2 minutes to skim a text, and when time is up, he asks students to stop and answer some questions. Here the teacher is playing the role of a (an)__________.

Before doing a writing task, the teacher elicits students′ ideas by asking them to list as many words or phrases that come into their mind about the topic as possible. Here the teacher is playing the role of a(an) __________.

Passage 2

Americans don’t like to lose wars．Of course，a lot depends on how you define just what a waris．There are shooting wars—the kind that test patriotism and courage--and those are the kind atwhich the U．S．excels．But other struggles test those qualities t00．What else was the GreatDepression or the space race or the construction of the railroadsIf American indulge in a bit offlag--when the job is done，they earned it．

Now there is a similar challenge--global warmin9．The steady deterioration of the very climateof this very planet is becoming a war of the first order，and by any measure，the U．S．is losing．

Indeed，if America is fighting at all，it’sfighting on the wrong side．The U．S．produces nearly aquarter of the world’s greenhouse gases each year and has stubbornly made it clear that it doesn’tintend to do a whole lot about it．Although l 74 nations approved the admittedly flawed Kyotoaccords to reduce carbon levels，the U．S．walked away from them．There are vague promises ofmanufacturing fuel from herbs or powering cars with hydrogen．But for a country that tightly citespatriotism as one of its core values，the U．S．is taking a pass on what might be the most patrioticstruggle of all. It′ s hard to imagine a bigger fight than one for the survival of a country′ s coasts andfarms, the health of its people and stability of its economy.

The rub is, if the vast majority of people increasingly agree that climate change is a globalemergency, there′s far less agreement on how to fix it. Industry offers its plans, which too oftenwould fix little. Environmentalists offer theirs, which too often amount to native wish lists that couldweaken America′ s growth. But let′ s assume that those interested parties and others will always bentthe table and will always demand that their voices be heard and that their needs be addressed. Whatwould an aggressive, ambitious, effective plan look like--one that would leave the U.S. bothenvironmentally safe and economically so

Passage 2

Americans don’t like to lose wars．Of course，a lot depends on how you define just what a waris．There are shooting wars—the kind that test patriotism and courage--and those are the kind atwhich the U．S．excels．But other struggles test those qualities t00．What else was the GreatDepression or the space race or the construction of the railroadsIf American indulge in a bit offlag--when the job is done，they earned it．

Now there is a similar challenge--global warmin9．The steady deterioration of the very climateof this very planet is becoming a war of the first order，and by any measure，the U．S．is losing．

Indeed，if America is fighting at all，it’sfighting on the wrong side．The U．S．produces nearly aquarter of the world’s greenhouse gases each year and has stubbornly made it clear that it doesn’tintend to do a whole lot about it．Although l 74 nations approved the admittedly flawed Kyotoaccords to reduce carbon levels，the U．S．walked away from them．There are vague promises ofmanufacturing fuel from herbs or powering cars with hydrogen．But for a country that tightly citespatriotism as one of its core values，the U．S．is taking a pass on what might be the most patrioticstruggle of all. It′ s hard to imagine a bigger fight than one for the survival of a country′ s coasts andfarms, the health of its people and stability of its economy.

The rub is, if the vast majority of people increasingly agree that climate change is a globalemergency, there′s far less agreement on how to fix it. Industry offers its plans, which too oftenwould fix little. Environmentalists offer theirs, which too often amount to native wish lists that couldweaken America′ s growth. But let′ s assume that those interested parties and others will always bentthe table and will always demand that their voices be heard and that their needs be addressed. Whatwould an aggressive, ambitious, effective plan look like--one that would leave the U.S. bothenvironmentally safe and economically so

Passage 2

Americans don’t like to lose wars．Of course，a lot depends on how you define just what a waris．There are shooting wars—the kind that test patriotism and courage--and those are the kind atwhich the U．S．excels．But other struggles test those qualities t00．What else was the GreatDepression or the space race or the construction of the railroadsIf American indulge in a bit offlag--when the job is done，they earned it．

Now there is a similar challenge--global warmin9．The steady deterioration of the very climateof this very planet is becoming a war of the first order，and by any measure，the U．S．is losing．

Indeed，if America is fighting at all，it’sfighting on the wrong side．The U．S．produces nearly aquarter of the world’s greenhouse gases each year and has stubbornly made it clear that it doesn’tintend to do a whole lot about it．Although l 74 nations approved the admittedly flawed Kyotoaccords to reduce carbon levels，the U．S．walked away from them．There are vague promises ofmanufacturing fuel from herbs or powering cars with hydrogen．But for a country that tightly citespatriotism as one of its core values，the U．S．is taking a pass on what might be the most patrioticstruggle of all. It′ s hard to imagine a bigger fight than one for the survival of a country′ s coasts andfarms, the health of its people and stability of its economy.

The rub is, if the vast majority of people increasingly agree that climate change is a globalemergency, there′s far less agreement on how to fix it. Industry offers its plans, which too oftenwould fix little. Environmentalists offer theirs, which too often amount to native wish lists that couldweaken America′ s growth. But let′ s assume that those interested parties and others will always bentthe table and will always demand that their voices be heard and that their needs be addressed. Whatwould an aggressive, ambitious, effective plan look like--one that would leave the U.S. bothenvironmentally safe and economically so

Passage 2

Americans don’t like to lose wars．Of course，a lot depends on how you define just what a waris．There are shooting wars—the kind that test patriotism and courage--and those are the kind atwhich the U．S．excels．But other struggles test those qualities t00．What else was the GreatDepression or the space race or the construction of the railroadsIf American indulge in a bit offlag--when the job is done，they earned it．

Now there is a similar challenge--global warmin9．The steady deterioration of the very climateof this very planet is becoming a war of the first order，and by any measure，the U．S．is losing．

Indeed，if America is fighting at all，it’sfighting on the wrong side．The U．S．produces nearly aquarter of the world’s greenhouse gases each year and has stubbornly made it clear that it doesn’tintend to do a whole lot about it．Although l 74 nations approved the admittedly flawed Kyotoaccords to reduce carbon levels，the U．S．walked away from them．There are vague promises ofmanufacturing fuel from herbs or powering cars with hydrogen．But for a country that tightly citespatriotism as one of its core values，the U．S．is taking a pass on what might be the most patrioticstruggle of all. It′ s hard to imagine a bigger fight than one for the survival of a country′ s coasts andfarms, the health of its people and stability of its economy.

The rub is, if the vast majority of people increasingly agree that climate change is a globalemergency, there′s far less agreement on how to fix it. Industry offers its plans, which too oftenwould fix little. Environmentalists offer theirs, which too often amount to native wish lists that couldweaken America′ s growth. But let′ s assume that those interested parties and others will always bentthe table and will always demand that their voices be heard and that their needs be addressed. Whatwould an aggressive, ambitious, effective plan look like--one that would leave the U.S. bothenvironmentally safe and economically so

Passage 2

Americans don’t like to lose wars．Of course，a lot depends on how you define just what a waris．There are shooting wars—the kind that test patriotism and courage--and those are the kind atwhich the U．S．excels．But other struggles test those qualities t00．What else was the GreatDepression or the space race or the construction of the railroadsIf American indulge in a bit offlag--when the job is done，they earned it．

Now there is a similar challenge--global warmin9．The steady deterioration of the very climateof this very planet is becoming a war of the first order，and by any measure，the U．S．is losing．

Indeed，if America is fighting at all，it’sfighting on the wrong side．The U．S．produces nearly aquarter of the world’s greenhouse gases each year and has stubbornly made it clear that it doesn’tintend to do a whole lot about it．Although l 74 nations approved the admittedly flawed Kyotoaccords to reduce carbon levels，the U．S．walked away from them．There are vague promises ofmanufacturing fuel from herbs or powering cars with hydrogen．But for a country that tightly citespatriotism as one of its core values，the U．S．is taking a pass on what might be the most patrioticstruggle of all. It′ s hard to imagine a bigger fight than one for the survival of a country′ s coasts andfarms, the health of its people and stability of its economy.

The rub is, if the vast majority of people increasingly agree that climate change is a globalemergency, there′s far less agreement on how to fix it. Industry offers its plans, which too oftenwould fix little. Environmentalists offer theirs, which too often amount to native wish lists that couldweaken America′ s growth. But let′ s assume that those interested parties and others will always bentthe table and will always demand that their voices be heard and that their needs be addressed. Whatwould an aggressive, ambitious, effective plan look like--one that would leave the U.S. bothenvironmentally safe and economically so

--Would you like some noodles, Celia

--Yes, just___________, please.

A thief who broke into a church was caught because traces of wax, found on hisclothes, __________from the sort of candles used only in churches.

Passage 2

Americans today don′t place a very high value on intellect. Our heroes are athletes,

entertainers, and entrepreneurs, not scholars. Even our schools are where we send our children to geta practical education--not to pursue knowledge for the sake of knowledge. Symptoms of pervasiveanti-intellectualism in our schools aren′t difficult to fred.

"Schools have always been in a society where practical is more important than intellectual,"says education writer Diane Ravitch."Schools could be a counterbalance." Ravitch′s latest book,Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms, traces the roots of anti-intellectualism in ourschools, concluding they are anything but a counterbalance to the American distaste for intellectualpursuits.

But they could and should be. Encouraging kids to reject the life of the mind leaves themvulnerable to exploitation and control. Without the ability to think critically, to defend their ideasand understand the ideas of others, they cannot fully participate in our democracy. Continuing alongthis path, says writer Earl Shorris, "We will become a second-rate country. We will have a less civilsociety."

"Intellect is resented as a form of power or privilege," writes historian and professor RichardHofstadter in Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, a Pulitzer-Prize winning book on the roots ofanti-intellectualism in uspolitics, religion, and education. From the beginning of our history, saysHofstadter, our democratic and populist urges have driven us to reject anything that smells of elitism.

Practicality, common sense, and native intelligence have been considered more noble qualities thananything you could learn from a book.

Ralph Waldo Emerson and other Transcendentalist philosophers thought schooling andrigorous book learning put unnatural restraints on children: "We are shut up in schools and collegerecitation rooms for 10 or 15 years and come out at last with a bellyful of words and do not kn

Passage 2

Americans today don′t place a very high value on intellect. Our heroes are athletes,

entertainers, and entrepreneurs, not scholars. Even our schools are where we send our children to geta practical education--not to pursue knowledge for the sake of knowledge. Symptoms of pervasiveanti-intellectualism in our schools aren′t difficult to fred.

"Schools have always been in a society where practical is more important than intellectual,"says education writer Diane Ravitch."Schools could be a counterbalance." Ravitch′s latest book,Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms, traces the roots of anti-intellectualism in ourschools, concluding they are anything but a counterbalance to the American distaste for intellectualpursuits.

But they could and should be. Encouraging kids to reject the life of the mind leaves themvulnerable to exploitation and control. Without the ability to think critically, to defend their ideasand understand the ideas of others, they cannot fully participate in our democracy. Continuing alongthis path, says writer Earl Shorris, "We will become a second-rate country. We will have a less civilsociety."

"Intellect is resented as a form of power or privilege," writes historian and professor RichardHofstadter in Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, a Pulitzer-Prize winning book on the roots ofanti-intellectualism in uspolitics, religion, and education. From the beginning of our history, saysHofstadter, our democratic and populist urges have driven us to reject anything that smells of elitism.

Practicality, common sense, and native intelligence have been considered more noble qualities thananything you could learn from a book.

Ralph Waldo Emerson and other Transcendentalist philosophers thought schooling andrigorous book learning put unnatural restraints on children: "We are shut up in schools and collegerecitation rooms for 10 or 15 years and come out at last with a bellyful of words and do not kn

Passage 2

Americans today don′t place a very high value on intellect. Our heroes are athletes,

entertainers, and entrepreneurs, not scholars. Even our schools are where we send our children to geta practical education--not to pursue knowledge for the sake of knowledge. Symptoms of pervasiveanti-intellectualism in our schools aren′t difficult to fred.

"Schools have always been in a society where practical is more important than intellectual,"says education writer Diane Ravitch."Schools could be a counterbalance." Ravitch′s latest book,Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms, traces the roots of anti-intellectualism in ourschools, concluding they are anything but a counterbalance to the American distaste for intellectualpursuits.

But they could and should be. Encouraging kids to reject the life of the mind leaves themvulnerable to exploitation and control. Without the ability to think critically, to defend their ideasand understand the ideas of others, they cannot fully participate in our democracy. Continuing alongthis path, says writer Earl Shorris, "We will become a second-rate country. We will have a less civilsociety."

"Intellect is resented as a form of power or privilege," writes historian and professor RichardHofstadter in Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, a Pulitzer-Prize winning book on the roots ofanti-intellectualism in uspolitics, religion, and education. From the beginning of our history, saysHofstadter, our democratic and populist urges have driven us to reject anything that smells of elitism.

Practicality, common sense, and native intelligence have been considered more noble qualities thananything you could learn from a book.

Ralph Waldo Emerson and other Transcendentalist philosophers thought schooling andrigorous book learning put unnatural restraints on children: "We are shut up in schools and collegerecitation rooms for 10 or 15 years and come out at last with a bellyful of words and do not kn

Passage 2

Americans today don′t place a very high value on intellect. Our heroes are athletes,

entertainers, and entrepreneurs, not scholars. Even our schools are where we send our children to geta practical education--not to pursue knowledge for the sake of knowledge. Symptoms of pervasiveanti-intellectualism in our schools aren′t difficult to fred.

"Schools have always been in a society where practical is more important than intellectual,"says education writer Diane Ravitch."Schools could be a counterbalance." Ravitch′s latest book,Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms, traces the roots of anti-intellectualism in ourschools, concluding they are anything but a counterbalance to the American distaste for intellectualpursuits.

But they could and should be. Encouraging kids to reject the life of the mind leaves themvulnerable to exploitation and control. Without the ability to think critically, to defend their ideasand understand the ideas of others, they cannot fully participate in our democracy. Continuing alongthis path, says writer Earl Shorris, "We will become a second-rate country. We will have a less civilsociety."

"Intellect is resented as a form of power or privilege," writes historian and professor RichardHofstadter in Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, a Pulitzer-Prize winning book on the roots ofanti-intellectualism in uspolitics, religion, and education. From the beginning of our history, saysHofstadter, our democratic and populist urges have driven us to reject anything that smells of elitism.

Practicality, common sense, and native intelligence have been considered more noble qualities thananything you could learn from a book.

Ralph Waldo Emerson and other Transcendentalist philosophers thought schooling andrigorous book learning put unnatural restraints on children: "We are shut up in schools and collegerecitation rooms for 10 or 15 years and come out at last with a bellyful of words and do not kn

Passage 2

Americans today don′t place a very high value on intellect. Our heroes are athletes,

entertainers, and entrepreneurs, not scholars. Even our schools are where we send our children to geta practical education--not to pursue knowledge for the sake of knowledge. Symptoms of pervasiveanti-intellectualism in our schools aren′t difficult to fred.

"Schools have always been in a society where practical is more important than intellectual,"says education writer Diane Ravitch."Schools could be a counterbalance." Ravitch′s latest book,Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms, traces the roots of anti-intellectualism in ourschools, concluding they are anything but a counterbalance to the American distaste for intellectualpursuits.

But they could and should be. Encouraging kids to reject the life of the mind leaves themvulnerable to exploitation and control. Without the ability to think critically, to defend their ideasand understand the ideas of others, they cannot fully participate in our democracy. Continuing alongthis path, says writer Earl Shorris, "We will become a second-rate country. We will have a less civilsociety."

"Intellect is resented as a form of power or privilege," writes historian and professor RichardHofstadter in Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, a Pulitzer-Prize winning book on the roots ofanti-intellectualism in uspolitics, religion, and education. From the beginning of our history, saysHofstadter, our democratic and populist urges have driven us to reject anything that smells of elitism.

Practicality, common sense, and native intelligence have been considered more noble qualities thananything you could learn from a book.

Ralph Waldo Emerson and other Transcendentalist philosophers thought schooling andrigorous book learning put unnatural restraints on children: "We are shut up in schools and collegerecitation rooms for 10 or 15 years and come out at last with a bellyful of words and do not kn

The authorities have refused to __________ him a visa to visit the US.

The teacher__________ his lesson with pictures.

--Why does John speak through every discussion but never listen to the others

--That what he ___________ do, we used to hate that, but are used to it now.

According to Chomsky,__________ refers to the actual realization of user′s knowledge of therules of his language in utterances.

My train arrives in New York at eight o′ clock tonight. The plane I would like to take fromthere__________by then.

The bell rang and every student had to __________ their examination papers.

__________assessment is based on a fixed standard that is usually the ultimate goal which thestudents are expected to achieve at the end of the course.

The morpheme "-ee-" in the word "geese" is a

Which of the following shows the proper pronunciation of the word "should" in the sentence"What should we do"

He became very___________ when he found the disloyalty of his wife.

请简述写作教学活动中连贯性训练的形式及意义。

下列教学片段选自某高中课堂实录，阅读后回答问题。

T: Today we are going to talk about "travelling". Mike, have you ever traveled

M: Yes, I have ever been to Beijing.

T: When did you go there

M: Last summer.

T: How did you go there

M: We went there by bus.

T: Why did you go there by bus

M: Because it isn′t too far away from here and it′ s very convenient to go there by bus.

T: Good. How about you Li Ming, have you ever travelled

L: Yes, I have been to Hainan last winter vacation.

T: How did you go there

L: I went there by plane.

T: Why

L: Because it′s too far from here and we can save lots of time by going there by plane.

Ask more students like this.

根据上面所给信息，回答下面三个问题：

(1)该片段反映了教学中哪个环节

(2)分析该教学环节的目的。

(3)从教学有效性角度评析这个片段。

设计任务：请阅读下面学生信息和语言素材，设计20分钟的英语听力教学方案。

教案没有固定格式．但须包含下列要点：

·teaching objectives

·teaching contents

·key and difficult points

·major steps and time allocation

·activities and justifications

教学时间：20分钟

学生概况：某城镇普通中学高中一年级学生，班级人数40人。多数学生已经达到《普通高

中英语课程标准(实验)》五级水平。学生课堂参与积极性一般。

语言素材：

M: Hey Betsy, did you hear the great news

W: No, Frank, I haven′t. What is going on

M: I just got a promotion, and I am going to throw huge party for all of my friends. I would loveit if you would come.

W: Wow, thanks so much, when is the party

M: I am thinking of having it on Saturday. I am hoping there will be 150 people there. Thisreally is a big promotion for me and my family.

W: Wow,150 people. That is a lot. This must be a big promotion. I would love to go. I think itwould be a great time.

M: Oh great, the more the merrier. This really is a big deal for me. We can now afford the newhouse my wife has always wanted. I just hope I don′t have to put too many hours in. I would hate tolose too much time with my family.

W: I can understand that, but let′ s keep focusing on the bright side. I can′ t wait for that party.